查看更多>>摘要：Basing itself on the concept of the "historical epoch" (Lenin 1988c, 143), this article contends that today''s world is still in the epoch of financial imperialism as Lenin employed the term. The two epochal themes are those of war and revolution, and of peace and development. The contradictory movement, unity of opposites and mutual transformation that take place between these two themes determine the specific features of the various periods of a given historical epoch. Financial imperialism is a special and also the highest (last) phase in the development of capitalist society, and may continue to exist for a lengthy historical period. As the diverse, accumulated long-term contradictions of today''s world grow deeper, we may be entering a more turbulent period full of disasters and conflicts. As a result, we cannot equate the theme of "peace and development" in the contemporary world with actual entry into the epoch of "peace and development"; instead, we must recognize that there has been no fundamental change in the essence and basic contradictions of the epoch of imperialism, and while maintaining confidence in the future, we should remain alert even during peaceful periods.
查看更多>>摘要：The essay is divided into approach and two parts plus a short summation. The approach poses the theme of nexus between communism and democracy as the only hope to oppose the present neo-fascist turn of capitalism. Part 1 discusses central political choices after the Yugoslav 1941-45 revolution, focusing on its popular revolutionary horizon as well as on disalienation of labour in workers'' self-management, and sketching the history of their achievements and then reflux after the 1960s. The three available politico-economic horizons were a Soviet-style police state, "market socialism," and a fully associational plebeian democracy. Choosing the second solution meant, in the absence of central planning, a slide towards a market without democratic control and swayed by international centres of financial capital plus the six or seven regional centres of power in the "federal republics," inevitably turning to nationalism. This led to economic and state disaster. Part 2 discusses plebeian democracy in a participatory mode, foregrounding the need for open politics in post-revolutionary societies and what might a real "civil society" be (Gramsci). The conclusion is not only that Marx''s horizon of communism can only be radical plebeian democracy, but also that only communism can be radical plebeian democracy.
查看更多>>摘要：In capitalistic society freedom of individuals for making profits and accumulating wealth is understood as a universal truth. Competition among people equipped with this limited notion of freedom is taken as an inevitable prerequisite for achieving prosperity. The current body of scholarship lacks proper explanation of what makes capitalism so hegemonic that it continuously shapes human beliefs and practices. The paper argues that this limited notion of freedom has shaped our imaginary, thoughts and actions. Few people have benefitted but this imaginary has made our societies increasingly unequal and unjust. The paper conceptualises popular education as an alternative approach not only for critiquing the hegemony of capitalism but also for the creation of a more just society. The paper concludes that "popular education" could provide some useful conceptual tools-mainly conscientisation, problem posing method, study circles, and critical pedagogy-as enabling conditions to critically examine some of the hegemonic assumptions of capitalism intractably embedded in our beliefs and thoughts.
查看更多>>摘要：Postcolonial studies in India have a rich tradition. Since the late 1980s, many theoretical innovations have been deployed in these analyses. The objective of this article is to uncover some of the limitations of the theoretical fields deployed to analyse postcolonial societies within the discourse of postcolonialism in India. I will narrate the transition from the discursive field constituted by hegemony and its related concepts to the field constituted by a version of governmentality and critique these deployments. This critique, like all critiques, is based on a particular query. I am primarily interested in the question: how far does this deployment allow or shut out the subversive potential of actors within the postcolonial structure?
查看更多>>摘要：The beginning of the twenty-first century brought a new stage in Latin America. After the social movements challenged the neoliberal order, a new kind of government appeared, with leaders who retrieved the demands of the popular classes and even their discourse. The topic of this paper is the Argentine political process resulting in the emergence of Kirchnerism, explaining the political order that arose with the Kirchner and Fernández de Kirchner administrations (2003-15). For a better understanding of contemporary political processes, we should try to retrieve the combined effects of structural (not just economic) relationships and the contingency (not only political) of social disputes. The paper argues that the industrial fraction of the power-bloc was able to lead a hegemonic political order through a populist rupture.
查看更多>>摘要：Building on empirical data collected through interviews with representatives of the Mumbai Port Trust Dock and General Employees Union, the International Metalworkers'' Federation, and shipbreaking workers, this paper presents the results of a case study conducted from 2011 to 2013 in the shipbreaking yards of Mumbai. I first examine India''s liberalization shift in the early 1990s and observe its effect on the transformation of labour markets, then present a brief overview of the literature related to unions and the informal economy. Using the conceptual framework developed by Sousa Santos (2004) around the "sociology of absences, the sociology of emergences and the work of translation" and the analytical tool developed by Comeau (2005) to study collective struggles, the core of the article explores the development of shipbreaking activities in India, chronicles the history of collective action in the shipbreaking industry, discusses practices, strategies and demands put forward by the unions, and identifies issues arising from the difficulties facing traditionally organized unions engaged in transforming their practices to adapt to the growth of the informal economy.
查看更多>>摘要：Mo Yan''s novel Sandalwood Death was translated into English in 2013 (from the 2001 novel Tanxiang Xing) following the author''s award of the Nobel Prize in Literature in 2012, at which time the term "hallucinatory realism" was invoked to describe his fiction. The novel was quickly hailed in the South China Morning Post (January 20, 2013) as "an orgy of pain and pleasure," an "emotional see-saw" that is "chilling, but always human." This essay critically analyzes two major stylistic modes or narrative techniques elaborated throughout the novel: sounds or soundeffects such as the "meow" of a cat, and similarities--which I call "hypersimilarity"--in "hallucinatory" descriptions involving "as," "as if" and "like." Moist (Mo-ist) narrative reflects a spontaneous poststructuralist apprehension of "reality" conveyed in "hallucinatory" or "spirited" illusions, most significantly in the practice of writing that Derrida called "freeplay." Moism (Mo-ism) operates on an ideological level in the way that Marx called, in volume I of Capital, "a kind of Pied Piper of Hamelin": the central aim, under Mo Yan''s banner of appealing to an "affinity" with the "common man," is to demoralize and simultaneously remoralize readers as "playfully" docile, melancholic subjects of exploitation, dehumanization, hypocrisy, and cynical cleverness.
查看更多>>摘要：Domenico Losurdo''s War and Revolution: Rethinking the Twentieth Century tries to respond to historical revisionism, focusing on authors like Ernst Nolte and works such as The Black Book of Communism. Rereading categories such as totalitarianism and genocide, Losurdo''s essay defends against the demonisation of the French and Russian revolutionary cycles and the anticolonial revolutions they generated. Reinstating or relativising the Nazi- Fascist experience as a defensive "counter-movement" to the Bolshevik offensive, historical revisionism overlooks the violence that characterises the history of the classically liberal countries and Western colonialism. However, Losurdo demonstrates how, far from just representing a response to the Bolshevik advance, the Nazi-Fascist criminal projects followed the Anglo-American model of colonialism. Niall Ferguson also glosses over these genealogies, delegitimating anticolonial revolutions, transfiguring the United States as the legitimate heir of the British Empire, as well as making it the champion of the cause of modernity and democracy. Faced with its own difficulties and the current emergence of China on the global stage, the American Empire is called upon to openly reject the principle of equality between nations and establish a new world order for the good of humanity. The success that this British historian enjoys is especially worrying, Losurdo concludes.
查看更多>>摘要：This is an address to the first World Cultural Forum on October 18, 2015, in which the following ideas are proposed with regard to the development of world culture: pursuing harmonious coexistence and promoting the mode of harmonious development; maintaining cultural diversity of complementarity and co-prosperity while resisting cultural hegemony; displaying the unique charm of Chinese culture on the basis of seeking common ground while respecting differences; advocating advanced culture and promoting the unity of cultural progressiveness and diversity; encouraging a balance of cultural ecology and building a new international cultural order.
查看更多>>摘要：The World Cultural Forum aims to build a platform for discussing and exchanging ideas on world cultural development in a broad sense, so as to jointly oppose "cultural hegemony," "cultural imperialism" and "cultural colonialism," to advocate the advancement and sustainable diversity of world culture, and to promote the construction of a new world cultural order. The World Cultural Forum is to be held once every two years. The First World Cultural Forum was held in Beijing on October 18-19, 2015, with more than 160 experts, scholars and progressives in attendance. On the theme of "Progressiveness and Diversity of Contemporary World Culture," the participants discussed world cultural development in general and ideological and cultural issues in various fields, exchanged ideas on the relationship between culture and human destiny, community and social progress, and issued "The Consensus of the First World Cultural Forum."
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